Women have participated in the labor movement and in related social movements since the beginnings of industrialization. They went on strike and organized unions from their first exposure to the long hours and harsh working conditions in the mills. If the predominantly male unions were reluctant to welcome female workers, they continued to organize on their own, sometimes forming all-female unions. As a reserve labor force, women and immigrants made possible the major industrial expansions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as the shift from the manufacturing to the service and clerical sectors that began in the 1970s. As the gender of the paid-labor force changed in the twentieth century to include many more female workers and married women, and with the decline of blue-collar jobs and blue-collar unions, and the rise in immigration to the United States, women and immigrants have become increasingly important to the reemerging labor movement of the twenty-first century.
These long-term economic and social changes for both women and unions are creating the opportunity for new relationships. Women are a growing part of the new global workforce at a time when sweated labor is expanding globally. Economically, women in the United States are no longer "secondary workers. " The decline in real wages since 1973 and the rise in female-headed families have increased economic pressures on female workers. As wages in the United States fall and as workdays get longer, the competing stresses of work and family life intensify. The conditions that inspired the women in the Lawrence textile strike may inspire a new generation of women workers to revitalize the labor movement and call for "bread and roses."
The evidence from the twentieth century demonstrates that, contrary to the stereotypes, female workers are militant and organizable. In the twentieth century, female department-store workers in Oakland, California, walked out in 1946, sparking a general strike of more than 120 thousand workers. Two-thirds of the 350 thousand telephone workers who went on strike in 1947 were women. In the 1960s and 1970s women accounted for more than two-thirds of teachers, tripling the membership of the teachers' unions to more than two million. The evidence indicates that women are more sympathetic to unions than men and more interested in collective solutions to problems at work.
As women in such female-dominated sectors of the economy as health care, education, federal, state, and city governments, and the clerical and service sectors lead the way into unions, they are pressuring the labor movement to open leadership positions to them and to place issues of work and family squarely in the center of labor's agenda. In 1974, women organized the Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW) to press for leadership positions in the labor movement. By the 1990s two in five union members were women. The American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) with its 5.5 million female members became the largest "working women's organization" in the country. In consultation with its members it developed an agenda to place working women's issues center stage and to reach out to both union and nonunion women. Focusing on equal pay, quality child care, voting, organizing new workers into unions, the right to make changes on the job, and a better balance of work and family, the vision of "bread and roses" continues to inspire working women's struggles in the new century.
Encyclopedia of American Studies, ed. Simon J. Bronner (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014), s.v. "Bread and Roses" (by Ruth Meyerowitz), http://eas-ref.press.jhu.edu/view?aid=502 (accessed April 17, 2014).